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There's just something about terrible customer service, high prices, and sketchy product that consumers oddly don't like. American consumers' dislike of traditional cable TV providers was once again made clear this week in a new study by the American Consumer Satisfaction Index, which tracks US consumer approval of companies on a 100 point scale. As has long been the case, the full report shows most traditional cable TV, satellite, or IPTV providers languishing somewhere in the mid 60s -- scores that are bested by a long line of industries and government agencies (including the IRS).While the report shows that streaming did drop 2.6% to a score of 74 (thanks in part to COVID-era network strain and demand), that's still significantly better that most broadband and cable TV ratings, which remain mired in the 50s and 60s:Compare that to streaming, which provides consumers with cheaper service, greater flexibility, and better customer service:The cable industry was already struggling in early 2020, when a record number of cable customers "cut the cord" and flocked to over the air or streaming alternatives. That was before a pandemic came to town. But with live sports less consistent and folks desperate to cut costs as they struggled to pay rent, the trend simply exploded in the second half of last year. The number of folks still paying for traditional cable has now dropped more than 22.8% from pay TV's peak back in 2014. But by the end of 2024, analysts expect that fewer than half of US homes will subscribe to a traditional pay TV service.One survey predicts that 27 percent of US households are planning to cut cable TV from their budgets this year. That's quite an explosion for a trend that cable and broadcast executives have spent a decade pretending wasn't actually happening (it was), wasn't a big deal (it was), was only something poor losers do (studies repeatedly proved this claim false) or would rebound once Millennials began seriously procreating (that didn't happen).It's an ongoing lesson for the oodles of cable and broadcast executives who have been wrong about this phenomenon. For giant telecom incumbents their only saving grace is the fact that their monopolies over broadband access in many markets means the bloodshed isn't quite as bad as it otherwise would be, as they can simply extract their pound of flesh via price hikes on your broadband bill.

I see we're still handling things stupidly when it comes to school disciplinary problems. For years now, many schools have been steadily abdicating their responsibilities, allowing in-school law enforcement (commonly called "School Resource Officers") to hand out discipline that school administrators used to handle themselves.This hasn't worked out well for students. It has turned standard discipline problems into police matters and given students a head start on having their futures ruined for juvenile (in all senses of the word) mistakes.Recently, a high school in Glastonbury, Connecticut was horrified to find it had been pranked. The Hartford Courant's first pass at the breaking news opened with this:

Hong Kong's new "national security" law -- thrust on it by the Chinese government that's supposed to stay out of Hong Kong's governmental business until 2047 -- continues to increase the amount of censorship in the supposedly still-independent region.Once the Chinese government began interfering, Hong Kong residents revolted. This only encouraged the Chinese government to apply a heavier hand. The new law allows prosecutors to seek life sentences for anti-government protesting. It also hands police the power to censor the internet and compel assistance to decrypt communications.To further ensure its desires go unchallenged, the Chinese government adopted a resolution that forced four pro-democracy legislators out of office in Hong Kong. This led to another dozen sympathetic lawmakers resigning from their positions in protest. Unfortunately, this means there are even fewer Hong Kong politicians willing to stand up to the Chinese government's impositions.The national security law has already enabled the punishment of dissent, censored the internet, silenced pro-democracy press, and ousted pro-democracy legislators. Now it's coming for culture, seeking to limit Hong Kong residents to government-approved creative works.

It's no secret that Rupert Murdoch is an extreme hypocrite. He spent decades railing against any kind of regulatory powers to hold back companies, but as soon as his own attempts to build an internet empire flopped dramatically, he's come around to being a major booster of regulatory crackdowns. Just only against the companies who out-innovated him. For years now he's been demanding that governments force the internet companies to pay him money -- a move that has been successful in his home country of Australia.The latest is that Murdoch, who built his business empire by buying up competitors and doing everything possible to avoid antitrust authorities, is now a major force behind supporting antitrust efforts -- so long as they're aimed at the internet companies. When the Democrats released their 5 antitrust proposals last week, each one (perhaps somewhat surprisingly) had a Republican co-sponsor. That appears to have been thanks to Murdoch:

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Apple has never looked kindly upon users actually repairing their own devices. The company's ham-fisted efforts to shut down, sue, or otherwise imperil third-party repair shops are legendary. As are the company's efforts to force recycling shops to shred Apple products (so they can't be refurbished and re-used). As is Apple's often comical attacks on essential right to repair legislation, which usually involves the company insisting that allowing broader independent and consumer repair of their devices would be a security and privacy nightmare.Yeah, about that. Apple last week was revealed to have paid a multi-million dollar settlement to an Oregon woman after iPhone repair technicians uploaded explicit images and videos to the internet from a phone that she sent in for repair. In this case, the culprits were employed by one of Apple's "authorized" repair contractors, Pegatron Technology Service in California. These authorized techs then uploaded the woman's private conversations and photos to the internet, making it look as if she had done it:

One of the more recent opportunities for law enforcement in the Third Party Doctrine space has been DNA databases. A number of companies offer on-demand DNA testing, allowing users to check themselves for potential markers that could indicate susceptibility to diseases or just to figure out where they fit in in the world by linking them to distant relatives they may not be aware of.Since users are sharing this potentially-sensitive info with DNA companies and other users, law enforcement illogically thought they wouldn't mind sharing it with cops. At least one company believed this as well, informally deputizing its user base as involuntary providers of DNA evidence.A whole lot of Wild Westing ensued. Some investigators used subpoenas, believing it was third party data that carried no expectation of privacy. Others used warrants, but used them to access the entire contents of third party DNA databases. Cops even created fake accounts to upload DNA samples to find matches in cases that had gone cold.This mostly-voluntary patchwork of legal paperwork/legal theories is now being codified into something coherent and subject to at least some judicial oversight. As the New York Times reports, two states have recently passed laws governing the use of private companies' DNA databases by law enforcement.

This week, our first place winner on the insightful side is an anonymous response to Denuvo's claim that its DRM has no performance impact on users' machines whatsoever:

Five Years AgoThis week in 2016, there were lots of stories about questionable actions by the FBI, and amidst all that, the agency turned down our FOIA request to find out how much money they spent getting into Syed Farook's iPhone. A worrying appeals court ruling chipped away at privacy while Senator Jeff Sessions was seeking to blast a giant hole in the Fourth Amendment. We learned more about the NSA's handling of Ed Snowden's concerns prior to his leak, and took a look at how despite all the supposed damage, the agency was doing great. This was also the week that Gawker filed for bankruptcy.Ten Years AgoThis week in 2011, the RIAA was arguing that changing copyright terms is unconstitutional, though only if they get shorter, while the Supreme Court agreed to hear the Golan case examining the opposite. YouTube added Creative Commons licensing options for videos while Russia's president proposed baking similar options right into copyright law. ICE declared victory in its domain seizure campaign while Homeland Security appeared to be stalling on related FOIA requests. Meanwhile, the ridiculous prosecution of whistleblower Thomas Drake was falling apart and by the end of the week, Drake took a plea bargain deal.Fifteen Years AgoThis week in 2006, long before ICE's domain seizures, we wondered why the US government was getting involved in takedowns of foreign music sites. We also took a look at the negative impact of the DMCA on innovation, and the way that the music industry's efforts to shut down sites often served as free advertising via the Streisand Effect — and the same was true with the movie industry, as was soon demonstrated by the MPAA going after Isohunt. Meanwhile, the copyright industries were trying to sneak through a huge and insane change to the law around "incidental copies". Blizzard relented on its attempts to block third-party World Of Warcraft game guides, the story of how Canada's "Captain Copyright" propaganda mascot might himself be a copy continued to develop, and we were surprised when some British politicians appeared to have reasonable views on copyright.

Maybe it's something about being in a beverage industry that makes people treat trademark law as though it were something it most definitely is not. For years, we've discussed the trademark problem that the exploding craft beer industry has faced. Oatly, the Swedish company that produces that well known non-dairy milk product, is most certainly not in the alcohol business, but they appear to be aping the most aggressive members of that unrelated industry in a recent lawsuit filed overseas against a very small competitor, which makes a product called PureOaty.

On Friday, as has been widely expected for a while, a bunch of House lawmakers led by David Cicilline introduced five new antitrust bills that would, if they become law, completely reshape how antitrust works in the US. At least for tech companies. Somewhat notably, many of the bills seem written specifically to target just one industry and to avoid having to deal with other industries. The text of the bills has been floating around all week as the Democrats who are pushing them hoped to find some Republican co-sponsors. And, based on Friday's press release, it appears they found at least one Republican to sponsor each bill (though only four Republicans in total, as they got Lance Gooden to agree to sponsor two of the bills).Now, most of the bills strike me as extremely problematic -- and even me just saying so will lead people to claim I'm somehow in the tank for these companies. Nothing is further from the truth. I'm all for creative ideas on how to end the dominance of the largest companies and to increase competition. But I fear poorly thought out proposals will have massive unintended consequences that go way beyond punishing Facebook, Google and Amazon.Each bill does something different, and there are some occasionally creative and interesting ideas in them, but it really seems like these bills are more designed to destroy the thriving tech industry out of spite, rather than to actually encourage competition. As noted above, I'm in agreement that it would be good if we got more competition in the tech industry, but these bills take a very backwards-looking view on how to do that, basically by punishing companies for building successful products, rather than looking for ways to enable more actual competition. I've written before on ways to actually break up the dominance of big tech players, mainly by getting rid of many of the existing rules that have allowed the big players to block and limit competition. But these bills don't do that. They take a much more punitive approach to successful companies, rather than an approach that enables more competition through innovation. That's disappointing.To me, the one that seemed most interesting at a first glance was the ACCESS Act ("Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by Enabling Service Switching Act") by Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon. It basically requires "covered platforms" to maintain open APIs for interoperability and data portability. And, at a first pass, that is a good thing, and obviously quite consistent with my belief that we need to build a future that is based more on open protocols rather than silo platforms. Portability and interoperability are certainly a step in the right direction for that.However, the way the bill actually is written suggests a real lack of futuristic technical thinking. It would lock in certain ideas that don't necessarily make any sense. Basically, all this bill would actually do is make sure that you could transfer your data out of an existing internet giant. The big internet companies already do this... and because of the way it's been implemented, it's almost entirely useless and doesn't help anyone. This bill wouldn't change that, unfortunately.On top of that, this bill fails to deal with the very real and very tricky challenges regarding data portability and interoperability as it pertains to privacy. Instead, the bill just handwaves it away, basically saying "don't do bad stuff regarding privacy" with this data. That's... not going to work, and is more or less an admission that the drafters of the bill don't want to deal with the very significant challenges of crafting a data portability/interoperability setup that is also congruent with protecting privacy.The real way to do this would be to separate out the data layer so that it's not controlled by the centralized companies at all, but in the hands of the end-users or their agents. But while that could happen as an accident of this bill, it's clearly not the intent. Thus it seems like this bill would not help very much, and that's a real missed opportunity. It's nice that it recognizes portability and interoperability as issues, but it doesn't do the hard work necessary to make that actually meaningful.Finally, perhaps the most problematic (by far) part of this bill is that if a "covered company" wants to change its APIs, it would need to get FTC approval -- and that seems like a terrible idea. Imagine having to get approval from the government every time you change your API? What? No. Bad.

High-profile ransomware attacks -- some the FBI have tentatively attributed to Russian hackers -- have provoked the kind of response none of us should be in any hurry to welcome. But it's been coming to this point for years.Malicious hacking efforts -- some of them targeting government agencies -- have been normal for as long as we've had computers and networks. And it's something our own surveillance agencies engage in, whether to search for terrorists or to simply cripple foreign governments. Throughout it all, there's been a steady call by some legislators and officials to turn cyber wars into actual wars. Or, at the very least, allow US government agencies to engage in more offensive hacking efforts, rather than simply play defense.War -- or anything a government can call a "war" -- is the one simple trick governments use to obtain more power for themselves at the expense of the rights of those they serve. That's why the War on Drugs and the War on Terror are more known for mass imprisonment and mass surveillance than any solid victories over the concepts and products the US has declared war against.Ransomware is the next thing in line for the "war on" treatment. A DOJ internal memo first referenced by Reuters and shared (by the DOJ!) with Gizmodo is equating ransomware attacks with terrorism.

As we've made clear by now, the FCC under Trump spent four straight years kissing monopoly ass. From eliminating decades-old rules protecting consumers and competitors from the harms of media consolidation to gutting the FCC's consumer protection authority simply because AT&T and Comcast wanted it done, the agency under Pai was a textbook example of regulatory capture. There were a few high points (like the creation of a national suicide hotline), but by and large the FCC under Pai was just a mindless rubber stamp for the industry's wealthiest players.While the Pai FCC was busy doing whatever AT&T and Comcast wanted, a lot of stuff those companies didn't care about fell off the table. Like any real rules governing the massive light pollution caused by low orbit satellites. Or any support for policies that would competitively challenge entrenched incumbents. And according to former FCC boss Tom Wheeler, a little thing called cybersecurity (more specifically, funds directed at smaller competitors to help them secure their networks):

Why does Senator Roger Wicker from Mississippi hate the internet? Wicker, who has a close relationship with big telcos, who have long made it their mission to destroy the open internet, was already a co-sponsor of an awful "Section 230 reform" bill last session, and is back now with what he's ridiculously calling the "PRO-SPEECH" Act. It stands for "Promoting Rights and Online Speech Protections to Ensure Every Consumer is Heard Act." But, in reality, it is a blatant (and unconstitutional) attack on free speech.The bill more or less bans any website from doing any moderation. The key part:

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Former president Trump made plenty of noise about the Deep State being out to get him. But he apparently didn't see anything wrong with sending the Deep State after his enemies.One of his main enemies was the press -- something he pointed out frequently when he still had viable social media accounts. Everyone who published anything that didn't glorify him and his actions deserved nothing more than disdain. They also, apparently, deserved DOJ investigations. The Trump White House was notoriously leaky and Trump allowed successive AGs to attempt to obtain journalists' communication records in hopes of discovering the source of multiple leaks.One of his other nemeses was the (so-called) "Democrat" Party. Members of the opposition were also apparently targets of DOJ leak investigations. Somewhat ironically, one target was a strong supporter of unchecked surveillance and FBI abuse of NSA collections. Adam Schiff -- who inserted a loophole to allow the FBI to continue its backdoor searches of NSA collections while renewing Patriot Act powers -- was apparently singled out for the Deep State experience, according to this article by the New York Times.

A huge and potentially important copyright lawsuit was filed this week by basically all of the big music publishers against the immensely popular kids' gaming platform Roblox. Although the publishers trade association, the NMPA, put out a press release claiming the lawsuit, it doesn't appear that NMPA is actually a party. The lawsuit is, in many ways, yet another full frontal assault on the DMCA's safe harbors by the legacy music industry. There's a lot in this lawsuit and no single article is going to cover it all, but we'll hit on a few high points.First, this may seem like a minor point, but I do wonder if it will become important: buried in the massive filing, the publishers mention that Roblox did not have a registered DMCA agent. That seems absolutely shocking, and potentially an astoundingly stupid oversight by Roblox. And there's at least some evidence that it's true. Looking now, Roblox does have a registration, but it looks like it was made on... June 9, the day the lawsuit was filed.Wow. Now, that may seem embarrassing, but it might actually be more embarrassing for the Copyright Office and raise a significant and important legal question. Because it appears that Roblox did at one time have a DMCA agent registration but, as you may recall, back in 2016, the Copyright Office unilaterally decided to throw out all of those registrations and force everyone to renew (and then to renew again every three years through a convoluted and broken process).There's an argument to be made that the Copyright Office can't actually do this. The law itself just says you need to provide the Copyright Office with the information, not that it needs to be renewed. The Copyright Office just made up that part. Perhaps we finally have a test case on our hands to see whether or not the Copyright Office fucked up in dumping everyone's registration.Still, that's a minor point in the larger lawsuit. The publishers throw a lot of theories against the wall, hoping some will stick. It seems like most should be rejected under the DMCA's safe harbors, because it truly is user generated content, even if the lawsuit tries a variety of approaches to get around that. Part of the lawsuit argues contributory and vicarious copyright infringement, more or less pulling the "inducement" theory from the Grokster ruling, which basically says that if you as a company encourage your users to infringe, you could still be liable (this is, notably, nowhere in the actual law -- it's just what the Supreme Court decided).But to get there, the lawyers for the music publishers seem to want to take a Roblox executive's comments completely out of context, in a somewhat astounding manner. The "proof" that Roblox is encouraging people to infringe is here:

The Pasco County (FL) Sheriff's Office has been using a quasi-"pre-crime" program for years, supposedly as part of its overall "public safety" efforts. But it hasn't done much more than give officers an excuse to hassle people. It may publicly claim it's a smarter form of law enforcement that makes better use of limited resources to target problem areas and people. But it isn't. And the Sheriff's Office knows it.In reality, it's about hassling people until they "sue or move." That's what the Office says about the program behind closed doors. People the software says are more inclined to commit crimes are visited by deputies several times a month. In addition to angling for warrantless searches of people's homes, deputies issue citations for bullshit like uncut lawns or missing mailbox numbers.The program has taken up residence in local schools. In violation of federal law, the Pasco County Sheriff has been collecting information about students, dumping it into a spreadsheet, and declaring minors to be criminals-in-the-making. Being declared a pre-criminal then subjects entire families to the same sort of harassment detailed above, with the supposed predicate being things like low grades, missed school days, and being a victim or witness of domestic violence.This program is now under investigation by the US Department of Education. The Pasco County Sheriff's Office is also being sued over the program, which is one of the signs of the program's success according to the Office's own statements ("move or sue").Olivia Solon and Cyrus Farivar of NBC News spent some time with one of the plaintiffs, Robert Jones. Jones and his family moved to Gulf Harbors, Florida, hoping to give his son a clean break from some previous delinquency and a new start in a new school. But that plan was interrupted by the Pasco County Sheriff's Office.

It's quite incredible how often the unfortunate growth of ownership culture in America produces silly trademark disputes over terms that obviously shouldn't be valid trademarks. While examples of this are legion, let's get right into what has become a decade-plus long dispute over "pretzel crisps". Snyder's, acquired by Princeton Vanguard, has long made a "pretzel crisp" product. In 2004, the USPTO registered the company's "pretzel crisp" mark, but as a supplemental to an earlier registration, deeming it "descriptive". If you want to argue that the term "pretzel crisp" is not descriptive, well, don't because you're wrong. Even Princeton Vanguard didn't argue differently until 2009, when it attempted to argue that the term had acquired distinctiveness in the public, associated with the company's brand and product. The USPTO remained unconvinced when Frito-Lay opposed the registration as it had its own similar product, with that opposition going so far as to actually seek to have any registration for the term canceled as generic.From there, the companies found themselves in lawsuit-land.(Note to the reader: this is normally where I would include a useful pull-quote from the bakeryandsnacks.com link above about how two federal appeals courts ruled against Snyder's, affirming the mark as generic, but unfortunately that website seems to think that disallowing any copy/paste of its text is somehow the same as enforcing copyright. When attempting to do so, you get a copyright warning. Now, I could simply type out the quote and use the text anyway, given that such use would fall squarely in fair use territory, but instead I'll use this space to give a big "fuck you!" to bakeryandsnacks.com. You're welcome for some traffic, you restrictive ass-bags!)Anyhoo, while two losses in federal court really should have been the end of this, yet another civil action was brought by Princeton Vanguard in the US District Court for the Western District of North Carolina. Both parties asked for summary judgement as to whether the term "pretzel crisp" can be registered as a trademark or if it's generic. The court declined to grant summary judgement based on a procedural technicality. But the court did still rule on the overall question of the generic nature of the term.

As we make the shift from gas to electric vehicles, there are a few issues we still haven't really paved the way for. One is the fact that, with gas taxes being the primary way we fund highway infrastructure, we need to develop alternative infrastructure funding (not a topic that tends to get priority in a hype and flash-obsessed culture, as John Oliver has been quick to remind everyone). The 18.4 cents a gallon federal gas tax hasn't been raised since 1993, and the Congressional Budget Office says that if the funding system doesn’t evolve by 2030, federal transportation funding will exceed its budget by a cool $188 billion.The other problem, highlighted by Aaron Gordon at Wired, is that used car buyers and sellers currently have no way to confirm the battery health of a used electric car. Given the used car market is twice as big as the new car market, you can probably see how this could become a notable problem. Especially given that the battery health meter on most of these vehicles can be reset, allowing the seller of the car to effectively lie to buyers about how much life the battery has left:

Back in the fall of 2019, we wrote about how Instagram was experimenting with hiding "likes" from US users, to try to cut down on the awkward incentives it created -- such as people obsessing over who and how many people liked the pictures they posted. It was an interesting move, and we appreciated the willingness to experiment with making sure the platform wasn't just encouraging socially problematic behavior. However, now the company has announced that some people really got upset without their likes.

Recently unsealed documents have revealed the FBI and the Australian Federal Police ran a backdoored encrypted communications service for more than three years, resulting in dozens of arrests and several large drug busts. Here's a brief summary via Joseph Cox for Motherboard.

A Massachusetts court recently sent out the useful reminder that a person's reasonable expectation of privacy does not extend to other people. In other words, there's an expectation of privacy in sent communications, but only up to the point that someone receives them. (via FourthAmendment.com)In this case [PDF], the defendant in a drug conspiracy hoped to suppress evidence against him obtained from another person's phone. The lower court allowed Jorge Delgado-Rivera to join a motion to suppress filed by another defendant whose phone was searched by law enforcement following a traffic stop.The higher court says this was the wrong thing to do.

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Late last year, we covered the story of the DOJ stepping in to take over a defamation case for President Trump. As we noted at the time, the defamation case itself was pretty weak, though it's similar to a series of other defamation cases we've seen in recent times. E. Jean Carroll claimed that Donald Trump had sexually assaulted her many years ago. Trump later denied the claim, saying that it was "totally false" and saying (incorrectly, as it turns out) that he "never met this person in my life." Carroll then sued for defamation based on the denials. As noted, this kind of defamation case has popped up a few times, including a high profile one against Bill Cosby by one of his accusers as well.What was perhaps somewhat different about the Carroll case, was that it was against the sitting president, and under the Westfall Act, if the Attorney General "certifies" that an action taken by federal employees that leads to a lawsuit against them was "within the scope of his office or employment," then the DOJ gets to insert itself into the case instead of the initial defendant (and, in a defamation case, then the case would be automatically dismissed, as you can't defame "the United States.")So, the big question in this situation is whether or not Donald Trump denying sexually assaulting (or even meeting Carroll) was done as part of his official duties as president. I think it's a huge stretch to argue that it does -- and last fall, a judge agreed with me, denying the DOJ's attempt. The judge, Lewis Kaplan, noted that if Trump were talking about policy issues, it would be different, but denying a sexual assault from long before he was president doesn't appear to be official government business. I recognize that some people have argued otherwise, noting that since the accusations came up while he was president, and could potentially impact his job as president, commenting on the claims magically becomes the duty of the president, but that seems incredibly weak, and would effectively make the president immune from defamation claims in most instances.Judge Kaplan went even further, though, in saying that he didn't think the president is even covered by the Westfall Act. This was surprising, but the argument was pretty compelling, with the key points being:

Frustrated by slow speeds, high prices, and spotty broadband availability (read: market failure) more than 750 US towns and cities have explored some kind of home-grown broadband option. Sometimes that's a local cooperative. Sometimes it's an extension of the locally owned power utility. Sometimes it's a public/private partnership with an existing internet provider. And sometimes it involves building an entire local broadband network from scratch. But always it's motivated by one thing: an ever growing, multi-decade frustration at the lack of competition and options in the US broadband market.Enter Detroit, which is the latest city where annoyed users are being forced to build an entirely new ISP block by block:

For a three year period or so, we had a ton of coverage on Denuvo, a DRM platform once touted as undefeatable. That era of invincibility soon crumbled completely, with cracking groups eventually figuring out how to get around the DRM. Cracking times on games went from months, to weeks, to days, to essentially games being cracked at launch. Games started patching Denuvo out of games, which is roughly the equivalent of admitting defeat. In response, Denuvo began claiming that it's platform was still a success because it could protect some games for some number of hours at the time of launch and the company apparently believed that really should be good enough. The company also announced a pivot to providing anti-cheat software for online games, though publishers began ripping that out of their games at record speed as well.So, where are we now? Well, the new status quo appears to be this: Denuvo still advertises both its anti-piracy and anti-cheat platforms as successes while games that use the software are still having them peeled out via patches. Notably, Denuvo's marketing material now reflects the emphasis on the initial release window, where Denvuo claims its platform can protect a game for 14 days after launch, during which publishers earn "59% of their revenue from their new title."As with all things Denuvo, this claim should be taken with enormous grains of salt for a variety of reasons. First, that revenue claim seems spurious, given how many games make revenue in how many different ways. Online games make their revenue on an ongoing basis, while single-player only games may make the largest chunk at release. But many single-player games make lots of money on an ongoing basis by embracing their modding community, updating games to keep them relevant to new buyers, releasing DLC, etc. It's also worth noting that Denuvo has failed spectacularly to protect many, many titles for anything close to 14 days.But most important to note is that this represents the continued moving of the goalposts by Denuvo. The platform was once touted as "the end of gaming piracy." Now the focus is on 14 days of protection. Why? Well, the answer is that games long in existence are still patching Denuvo out.

Summary: Content moderation at scale often involves significant tradeoffs between diverse interests. It is often difficult for those without experience in the field to recognize these competing interests.Social media services aren't just beholden to their users. They're also at the relative mercy of dozens of competing interests at all times.Users expect one thing. A bunch of governments expect another. Internal policies and guidelines result in another layer of moderation. Then there are the relatively straightforward obligations platforms must fulfill to retain their safe harbors under the DMCA.

Ring, Amazon's doorbell camera acquisition, has long considered itself to be an integral part of law enforcement. It has aggressively pursued partnerships with local governments, offering up cheap (or free) cameras in exchange for recommendations and installations by law enforcement agencies.Hundreds of law enforcement agencies have decided Ring provides a welcome new stream of surveillance footage, all captured by private cameras. Although Ring suggests users only capture their immediate doorsteps (or the interiors of their houses), plenty of cameras provide users (and law enforcement) with an insight into the movements of other people as they traverse nearby sidewalks and streets.Ring has racked up an impressive amount of negative press over the last couple of years -- mainly because it appears to consider owners of cameras as little more than footage portals for government agencies. It has provided guidance to law enforcement agencies on how to bypass warrant requirements and given them cameras to hand out with the implicit suggestion the favor will be returned whenever officers come asking for recordings.It appears Ring has realized its aggressive courting of law enforcement isn't doing much for its reputation. Its parent company, Amazon, recently extended its moratorium on providing facial recognition tech to government agencies. Its doorbell/camera subsidiary hasn't said much lately about its facial recognition plans (and there's nothing stopping cops from running Ring footage through their own tech), but it is stepping up to make its relationship with law enforcement more transparent. (via CNBC)

To hear many people talk about things, the entire internet these days is controlled by just a few companies, mainly Google, Facebook, and Amazon. Depending on who you're talking to, you may hear them throw in companies like Netflix. But some of us keep pointing out that while those guys are big, that doesn't mean the rest of the internet stops existing. And it's still incredibly large. If you want this point really driven home, check out this amazing map of the 2021 internet by Martin Vargic (first spotted via Fast Company).Here's a thumbnail version, but you really should go check out the full size version on Martin's website (or, better yet, buy some prints of the whole thing).Just the fact that looking at this smaller version above it's nearly impossible to read what most of the "countries" are should give you just a taste of how vast the non-big-tech part of the world wide web really is. There's a lot of "land" out there that isn't controlled by the big players, and we should be celebrating that. On his website he's got a few zoomed in examples as well, including the part that is my favorite: "Protocol Ocean."Now some may quibble with various aspects of this. It's based on Alexa data, which isn't the most reliable, and it's only covering web traffic, which likely misses a lot of activity that is purely mobile these days. But still, when laid out this way, you really begin to get a sense of the diversity of the web.The other thing that really stands out for me is that this is an updated map by Vargic. He last produced a map of the internet in 2014 and it looks strikingly different. It seems like a strong visual reminder of just how much the internet keeps changing, even in the fairly short time frame of seven years.There seems to be this belief among some that the internet has been more or less stuck in place since 2010 when Google, Facebook, and Amazon divided the land between them and wiped the rest of the web off the map. But that was never true, and these maps really drive that point home in a very visual manner.For what it's worth, if you love getting lost looking at maps like I do, Vargic's entire page is fascinatingly full of maps he's created, many of which explore aspects of actual geography, and plenty of others (like the internet maps) that explore other concepts in map form.

The DOJ -- following President Biden's lead -- has declared targeting journalists' communications is officially off-limits. Biden's statement followed reports of two separate instances where his predecessor's DOJ tried to obtain email and phone records belonging to journalists working for the Washington Post and CNN.More recently, it was revealed a leak investigation instigated by Trump's DOJ targeted New York Times' journalists. That one continued into 2021 under new Attorney General Merrick Garland. In that case, the government was seeking the source of leaks involving the FBI's investigation of Hillary Clinton's private email server but was unable to obtain anything after Google challenged the subpoena.The subpoenas for the NYT journalists' records were withdrawn by the DOJ hours after that story broke, with Biden's press secretary claiming the Administration was not aware the DOJ and FBI were still pursuing this information.

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We've argued for a while now that social media companies removing Donald Trump's accounts were not censorship, and that he had many other avenues where he could be heard, if he chose to use them. He showed this when he later setup his own blog, though he recently shut it down after getting upset that people were mocking it for its low traffic numbers.But direct traffic to his blog doesn't mean that he he wasn't able to get his message out there. A new data analysis by the NY Times shows that, in fact, after Trump lost his social media accounts, his message spread on social media just as well as when he had his accounts. While he may not be sending out messages as frequently, or as quite as off the cuff (and unhinged), the messages he does send out seem to get plenty of attention, thanks mostly to lapdog proxies, like Breitbart and Fox News.

Originally, the MoviePass business model seemed like a semi-sensible idea, though we were quick to wonder if it would ever actually make a profit. Under the model, users paid $30 (eventually $10) a month in exchange for unlimited movie tickets at participating theaters, provided they signed up for a full year of service. There were, of course, caveats: you could only buy a ticket per day, and could only buy one ticket per movie. It also prohibited users from viewing 3D, IMAX, or XD films. Still, the proposal was widely heralded by some as a savior for the traditional, brick and mortar, sticky floor movie industry.It wound up....not being that.In 2019, a four-month investigation by Business Insider (paywalled) found that the company had been bleeding money for years, and misleading investors for much of that time. Not only was the idea never really profitable, the company couldn't even manage to acquire enough plastic to keep up with membership card demand. Showcasing the width and depth of the dodgy effort, at one point executives genuinely thought it would be a good idea to actually change user passwords so they couldn't use the service, thinking this would let them get their head above water.Needless to say, this behavior was so extreme it finally got the attention of the under-funded and over-extended FTC, which finally announced it had struck a settlement with MoviePass. The settlement isn't much to look at: because the companies involved are bankrupt there's no financial penalty, but the executives behind the effort are barred from “misrepresenting their business and data security practices" and "must implement comprehensive information security programs." (Execs did have to shell out $400,000 in penalties to select California counties in a different agreement).The full FTC complaint (pdf) indicated that the company's not-so-clever password changing efforts impacted roughly 75,000 subscribers in total. Those users were first blocked from using the service, then when they inquired why they couldn't login they were falsely told they were the victim of fraud:

Crime reporting app Citizen has had a pretty wild run in the past couple of weeks. Debuting rather inauspiciously as Vigilante back in 2016, the app was removed from Apple's store less than 48 hours after its first appearance. It relaunched the following spring as Citizen and remained just another competitor in the virtual Neighborhood Watch scene.That all changed late last month. Citizen users and employees -- urged on by Citizen CEO Andrew Frame -- started a manhunt (with a $30,000 bounty) for an innocent homeless person Frame had decided was an arsonist. As the public was still digesting this news, Los Angeles residents spotted a Citizen-branded patrol car making the rounds. Shortly thereafter, current and former employees confirmed the company was interested in getting into the private security business with an eye on becoming more like cops and less like an informational app.As all of this was going on, some hackers scraped Citizen's database of recordings and reports, providing a single source for nearly everything uploaded to Citizen, including recordings moderators had hidden from public view. It was also revealed Citizen's foray into public health had resulted in a leak of users' COVID status as well as other personal information.Following a tumultuous half-week, Citizen announced it was abandoning its plan to move into the law enforcement business, something it had always supposedly planned to do and certainly completely unrelated to the steady stream of bad press.

Law enforcement seems to assume that any shooting officers engage in is justified. What may appear to be reckless violence by cops is just good police work, according to police. Anyone who thinks otherwise is only expressing their ignorance of police tactics and far too unconcerned about officer safety.Public outcry following police shootings is often greeted with statements from police officials asking the public to calm down until all the facts are in. Then law enforcement officials set about burying facts, rewriting narratives, and doing everything they can to put some time and distance between them and the shooting.A recently released report on the 2018 killing of Kansas teen John Albers appears to be thorough, at least at first glance. It's 498 pages long, suggesting it's a thorough documentation of the shooting of Albers by Overland Park police officer Clayton Jennison. Like far too many fatal shootings, it started with a call from someone concerned about the teen's welfare.This is from early reporting on the 2018 shooting.

Foes of Section 230 are always happy to see a case where a court denies a platform its protection. What's alarming about Lemmon v. Snap is how comfortable so many of the statute's frequent defenders seem to be with the Ninth Circuit overruling the district court to deny Snapchat this defense. They mistakenly believe that this case raises a form of liability Section 230 was never intended to reach. On the contrary: the entire theory of the case is predicated on the idea that Snapchat let people talk about something they were doing. This expressive conduct is at the heart of what Section 230 was intended to protect, and denying the statute's protection here invites exactly the sort of harm to expression that the law was passed to prevent.The trouble with this case, like so many other cases with horrible facts, is that it can be hard for courts to see that bigger picture. As we wrote in an amicus brief in the Armslist case, which was another case involving Section 230 with nightmarish facts obscuring the important speech issues in play:

The Association of American Publishers, like most industry lobbying groups, has a reputation for jealously guarding industry profit-making, no matter the larger implications of their doing so. In the past, the AAP has advocated for secret copyright treaties designed specifically to protect the publishing industry, getting Google to make its Google Library project far less useful, and has sued the Internet Archive's digital library program in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic. Again, the AAP is a lobbying group and we should expect them in some respects to behave like one, but it's important to tease out what they're lobbying for and against and whether its interests are shared with the interests of the general public. Spoiler alert: they absolutely are not.So, when the AAP held its recent annual meeting and devoted a portion of this 90-minute affair to the importance of copyright, that would typically be met with something of a yawn and a hand-wave. And when it got several mediocre persons to also speak at that meeting in part to rail against the omni-present threat of "big tech", well, most of us probably just kept yawning.

There's been this bizarre fascination among conservatives that tons of internet companies should be declared "common carriers." Of course, this ignores decades upon decades of conservatives fighting against any and all attempts to use common carrier designations on businesses that might legitimately be common carriers, like telcos. Again, there are a few key factors that make something a common carrier: (1) that it's about transport (things, people, data) from one place to another and (2) it's a commodified service in which what you get from any particular provider is likely to be mostly the same and (3) there is at least some argument that it's a natural monopoly, in that rebuilding the same infrastructure for multiple providers would be ridiculously inefficient or disruptive or both.None of those really apply to internet providers (though it may apply to at least some aspects of broadband). But, instead, conservatives have focused in on trying to get Google and Facebook declared common carriers.And now, Ohio has jumped up to try to force the issue, filing a bizarre lawsuit to declare Google a common carrier. The filing kicks off with talk about how dominant Google is, and then says that the lawsuit is not about dealing with Google's dominance (or even saying whether it's good or bad), but just about having the company declared a common carrier: